This is one of two short
papers on Dante’s Purgatorio given by Philip Harvey at the first Spiritual
Reading Group session for 2014 on Tuesday the 18th of February in
the Carmelite Library. ‘Purgatorio after Inferno according to Dante’ is another
essay on the subject, to be found at Philip’s readings site: http://clippingandcoining.blogspot.com.au/search/label/Dante%20Alighieri
For our purposes it is worth
knowing that the definition of Purgatory by the Western Church was only made in
1274, at the Council of Lyons. Dante (1265-1321) in that year was nine years
old, living in Florence, which means he was of the first generation of
Christians to grow up treating Purgatory as an officially sanctioned place of
temporal punishment. One of the reasons Lyons had to make Purgatory into
doctrine was because heretical sects like Albigenses and Waldenses had denied
that Purgatory even existed. Dante is born into a world in which Purgatory has
moved from being a need for purification of sin of the departed, to being a
recognised corridor towards paradise, one that all human souls might have to
traverse. In such a worldview it is unsurprising that Dante spends a large
amount of his productive time and a third of his poem on Purgatory.
The church for the next two
centuries after Dante’s death got itself into an almighty tangle over Purgatory
by tying the teaching to a little thing called money. Families could pay
priests to say masses for departed members of the family and built chantry
chapels for the purpose. Only the wealthy could afford chantries.
The most serious development
was indulgences, which meant finding penance for others, but with a price
attached. The concept that a pardoner could relieve of your money (and your
guilt as well) in return for releasing souls into paradise was, when put into
action, a practice open to abuse and corruption. This practice of indulgences
was one of the central causes of the Reformation, and even in Rome itself it
was stopped by Pope Pius V in 1567, one of those examples of the Catholic
Reformation picking up on the good ideas of the Protestant Reformation. In our
own time Pope Paul VI revised the doctrine to say indulgences are really about
increasing an individual’s fervour for charity. The English church historian
Diarmaid MacCulloch has this to say on the subject:
To understand how indulgences
were intended to work depends on linking together a number of assumptions about
sin and the afterlife, each of which individually makes considerable sense.
First is the principle which works very effectively in ordinary society, that a
wrong requires restitution to the injured party. So God demands an action from
a sinner to prove repentance for a sin. Second is the idea that Christ’s
virtues or merits are infinite since he is part of the Godhead, and they are
therefore more than adequate for the purpose of saving the finite world from
Adam’s sin. Additional to Christ’s spare merits are those of the saints, headed
by his own mother, Mary: clearly these are worthy in the sight of God, since
the saints are known to be in Heaven. Accordingly, this combined ‘treasury of
merit’ is available to assist a faithful Christian’s repentance. Since the pope
is the Vicar of Christ on earth, it would be criminal meanness on his part not
to dispense such a treasury to anxious Christians. The treasury of merit can
then be granted to the faithful to shorten the time spent doing penance in
Purgatory. That grant is an indulgence.
MacCulloch delineates the
general obsession, as he calls it, with Purgatory geographically, saying that
people north of the alps and on the Atlantic seaboard became more concerned
with prayer as a ticket out of Purgatory than those south of the alps. As he phrases
it in a sentence typical of his suave irony, “Dante Alighieri’s detailed
descriptions of Purgatory in his fourteenth-century masterwork the Divina
Commedia might suggest that southerners were indeed concerned with Purgatory,
but his Italian readers do not seem to have transformed their delight in his
great poem into practical action or hard cash.”
Martin Luther not only
brought down the indulgence industry in the 1520s, he also shattered many
illusions about Purgatory, those same illusions that were given palpable literary
credibility in Dante’s, by then, old poem. The connection between sin and
salvation is essential in Christianity. Penance and purging of sin certainly
pre-dates the Council of Lyons, whose task was to set in concrete a collection
of beliefs and related practices already common throughout Christendom. Isabel
Moreira lays out an early history of Purgatory, starting in late antiquity. She
says that Purgatory was “hardly doubted” throughout the Middle Ages, existing
at the popular level more insistently than at the official level.
Purgatory was successful as
an idea in these early centuries because it accomplished a number of important
things: it impressed upon lukewarm Christians the need for ongoing penance; it
suggested coherence at the point at which the scriptures and religious practice
converged, as in the prayers for the dead; and it drew ordinary Christians
within the eschatological net of salvation. Yet, I think we come closest to
understanding purgatory’s success and longevity when we ask, not when did
purgatory achieve doctrinal status, but when did purgatory achieve theological
viability? The answer, I have suggested, is the point at which Origen’s
universalism was repudiated in favour of an expanded access to salvation as was
endorsed in the work of Bede. Purgatory’s future was assured once it was
supposed that a broad segment of the Christian population could be saved by
means of exposure to purgatory’s fires, even if they repented only at the very
moment of death, and even if they were compelled to rely on the piety and
resources of their “friends”.
So that when we read the 33
cantos of Purgatorio we are shown a version of the place (it is now a place) at
a very precise moment in its evolution in religious awareness. We have to
accept the idea that Dante wrote a poem about somewhere none of us can talk of
with 100% certainty, the afterlife, using geographic forms like a mountain for
Purgatory, which all of his readers knew to be a literary trick, but about which
the place itself his readers decidedly believed in. It is, for us, a remarkable
suspension of belief on their part to read Dante’s descriptions of Purgatorio
knowing they are a fiction, while the whole time hanging on his every word in
the certain knowledge that they and those they love will very likely find
themselves in Purgatory itself at some future date. Anytime soon, in fact.
This is because Purgatorio
the poem is an instruction about expectations. Dante meets two of the vital
requirements of good storytelling: to entertain and to inform. Attentive
readers of Purgatorio are wised up: they finish the poem better prepared than
when they started. And they will read Dante ahead of other accounts because it
is a superlative poetic accomplishment. While there are countless artworks and
writings from the period that help explain Inferno, Purgatory, and Paradise to
believers, Dante’s Commedia is an artistic expression in its own league. It is like
comparing the seven minute rock video on the subject with the three hour cinematic
masterpiece put out by Dante Studios. There is time for both, but most people
will more certainly be wowed and warned by the big new sensaround release at
the local picture house. Soon to be out on DVD.
The question then remains, so
how do we read the poem? We are each part of reception history, with our own 21st
century (post-Paul VI) ideas about how to understand Purgatory, and how to read
Purgatorio.
Sources of quotes:
MacCulloch, Diarmaid. A
history of Christianity : the first three thousand years. Allen Lane, 2009, pp.
555-557
Moreira, Isabel. Heaven’s
purge : Purgatory in late antiquity. Oxford University Press, 2010, p. 211.
No comments:
Post a Comment